Continuous loss of green spaces in Cairo
Based on the data published by al-Zafarany [4], the calculated individual share of green spaces for the year 2000 was 0.98 m2/individual. This is different from what he mentioned in his article as he estimated the individual share to be 1.5 m2/individual. His estimation is higher because he included youth centres, sports clubs and added part of the Nile surface. In 2005 al-Azhar park was established at Wasat al-Qahira District and added a significant area of 300,000 m2 to the green spaces of the city. This contributed to slightly enhancing the individual share of green spaces. In 2006, the individual share of green spaces increased to 1.18 m2/individual. It decreased in 2017 to be 0.87 m2 and continued to decrease to reach 0.74 m2/individual in 2020. By the year 2020, Cairo has lost 2,128,280 m2 of green spaces compared to 2006. 910,894 m2 were lost in the three years between 2017 and 2020.
Cairo kept losing green spaces without any major new additions. The resultant overall trend is a decrease in the total area of green spaces and an increase in population number which together led to the decrease in the individual share of green spaces (Fig. 7). Over the years and even in the highest recorded estimations, Cairo has always had an individual share of green spaces far less than the international recommended standards, for example, 9 m2/individual as suggested by the World Health Organization [21]. It is even less than the minimum local standards for existing cities as suggested by the National Organization for Urban Harmony (NOUH) which are 7 m2/individual and 5 m2/individual for the Nile Valley cities and desert cities respectively [28]Footnote 9.
Also, disparities between districts did not change over the years showing that no efforts or interventions were made to enhance the situation. Districts with the lowest and highest individual share of green spaces remained almost the same. However, some districts with the highest individual share lost a significant amount of their green spaces. For example, Misr al-Qadima had a slight increase in its residents' share in 2006 (3.32 m2) and decreased again below its value in 2000 (2.77 m2) to reach 1.72 m2 in 2017 and 1.35 m2 in 2020. Wasat al-Qahira, on the other hand, witnessed a major transformation in the year 2006 because of the establishment of al-Azhar Park. The individual share of green spaces increased from 0.23 m2 in 2000 to 3.09 m2 in 2006. It slightly increased again in 2017 to reach 3.37 m2 and fall to 3.22 m2 in 2020.
In Heliopolis, the individual share of green spaces dropped from its highest in 2006 (6.38 m2) to 3.52 m2 in 2020. Heliopolis Heritage Initiative documented the loss of green spaces with an estimation of 390,000 m2 of lost green spaces between different streets and squares in the district [19]. Official data from CCBA shows a different value for lost green spaces, 272,274 m2 between the years 2017 and 2020, which is still a significant loss that contributed to the individual share of green spaces losing around two-fifths of its value. East Nasr City also had its highest individual share in 2006 (4.89 m2) which declined in 2020 to be 1.69 m2. East Nasr City also lost 311,283 m2 of its green spaces between 2017 and 2020 lowering the individual share of green spaces by 25%.
Unequal distribution is found in public parks too despite reopening some closed CCBA green spaces to be used as public parks (the DG category which added 16 public parks to Cairo over the years). The standards published by the NOUH mention that each district should have a district park of at least 21,000 m2 and that each resident should access a public green space of at least 12,600 m2 within 1 km from their homes. The uneven distribution of green spaces and public parks around the city does not allow such access for most of Cairo’s residents. Also, 16 districts out of 37 in Cairo have no public parks and the area of 27 out of 54 its parks is less than 21,000 m2.
Despite the obvious lack of green spaces in Cairo, the existing ones with their limited areas are often under threat. That is because green spaces have always been the first victim of urbanisation and infrastructure projects. Projects to widen roads or build vehicle bridges are given priority over protecting green spaces. Examples of these projects were the construction of the 6th of October bridge, al-Azhar tunnel and widening of Ramses Street. Also, green spaces can often be sacrificed easily to build new service and administrative buildings like the loss in areas in al-Azbakiya, and al-Zohryia Parks [3, 5], and other green spaces in Cairo (Fig. 8). Giving priority to other projects over green spaces indicates a lack of awareness of their importance and the harmful impact that would result from removing them. More recently, this practice has continued and major road infrastructure projects have been established in Cairo destroying many of its green spaces especially in Heliopolis and Nasr City as mentioned earlier (Figs. 9, 10 and 11).
Losing green spaces can have major harmful effects on any district and the wellbeing of its residents. A general decline in the quality of life in Heliopolis district, for example, was reported due to the loss of green spaces. Environmental and visual quality has declined which is worsened by bridges always interrupting visual continuity, the quality of sidewalks has decreased and crossing the roads for pedestrians became less safe [8]. A significant increase in traffic accidents was recorded shortly after those developments. Sidewalks also lost shade which is an important factor for walkability due to the cutting and uprooting of trees [6].
Infrastructure projects currently dominate the scene in Cairo and keep finding their way to more of its districts. New projects have been recently announced at al-Nozha and al-Maadi districts that are expected to change the fabric of another two districts known for their green spaces. Social media users frequently document the actual or intentional destruction of green spaces and the cutting of trees in different streets in Cairo. Recent images showed, for example, partial demolitions and construction work being carried out at several parks and nurseries. The final status of these interventions is still not known but if they went through, Cairo would lose at least an additional 124,236 m2: 91,920 m2 at al-Waily district alone (around half the district’s green spaces and total area of Arab al-Mohamdy and al-Waily parks that were handed over from CCBA to Ain Shams University to be part of its Faculty of Medicine campus), additional 23,100 m2 at Heliopolis (area of Heliopolis CCBA Nursery) and 9,216 m2 at Ain Shams (area of Gesr al-Suez Park and one of only two public parks in the district). This is in addition to other green spaces and trees that are expected to be lost at al-Maadi and al-Nozha.
Green spaces and public parks under governmental management also suffer from serious deterioration in quality and heavy commercialisation. Cairenes’ access to green spaces and public parks keeps diminishing with the increase in the cost of using public parks (rise in ticket prices and additional costs for activities inside most parks) and the closure of other amenity green spaces and public parks (Figs. 12 and 13). Green spaces are often closed to protect them from being heavily used. Responsible administrations claim that people’s behaviour in green spaces will make them deteriorate rapidly and that they do not have sufficient resources to mitigate the damage. In fact, most of these closed green spaces end up in worse conditions. Public parks that do not bring reasonable revenue or in districts where residents are known to cause some problems when using the parks are sometimes decided to be closed or end up being neglected.
Moreover, many of Cairo’s public parks were managed originally with a minimum entrance fee to allow lower-income groups to use them. However, prices kept being raised because of the economic and social shifts in Egypt and the significant increase in services costs in general. According to al-Messiri [3], in 2004, most SG tickets were 1 Egyptian Pound. Seven out of the 23 SG at the time had a ticket half this value because they were located in lower-income districts. The Aquarium Grotto and al-Fustat Park tickets were even cheaper; ¼ a Pound. Currently, the ticket price of the SG is 10 Egyptian Pounds, and the DG, al-Fustat Park and the Aquarium Grotto entrance tickets cost 5 Egyptian Pounds. These parks are the cheapest in the city where the cost of a ticket for other parks can reach between 15 to 40 Egyptian Pounds. Not only did tickets prices rise significantly, but also activities that require additional costs kept increasing and became the main focus of the management.
Cairo needs to restore the proper role of green spaces and public parks and stop their continuous loss. An improved public and urban life requires the integration of public green spaces into the experience of any city. Increasing the number of existing green spaces and achieving a better distribution throughout the city would reduce the pressure on existing spaces and facilitate access to spaces closer to more residents. Enhancing management and maintenance practices in existing green spaces and public parks would improve their quality and encourage more people to use them.
Lack and fragmentation of data
Accurate and comprehensive data that document and categorise existing green spaces are important in supporting planning and decision-making to effectively manage and develop green spaces [17]. Cairo lacks the support of an accurate publicly accessible geographical database for all its green spaces areas, locations and categorisation. CCBA does not have a clear methodology in creating its database. They do not follow up on yearly changes and take decisions accordingly. Their data also lack a coding for each green space and its exact location. For any improvement of the current situation in Cairo, they need to start determining more accurately the green spaces in each district which will allow better decision-making regarding the required resources, priorities for intervention and goals for preserving and increasing green spaces. Having accurate data can also help communicate the problems they face and also follow-up on achievements or failures in enhancing the quantity of green spaces in each district annually.
CCBA, which is connected to Cairo Governorate, manages most of the green spaces in Cairo with branches in each of the city’s districts. It also manages a number of parks through its DG Administration. The responsibility for managing other public parks and types of green spaces lies under several other agencies and administrations. With this fragmentation of management responsibilities, Cairo’s green spaces and public parks do not have a proper classification that reflects their features. They are classified based on their management authority like SG and DG. The only common factor between most of these parks is their administration, but they differ in their areas and characteristics.
As a result, green spaces and public parks in Cairo are often isolated from one another and from other functions. They are not managed as a connected network which undermines their abilities to provide different benefits [17]. Integration between parks is not found between those under the same management let alone between parks managed by different administrations or between governmental agencies. Different public entities prefer to define the boundaries of their territories and separate their land uses from others. So, in Cairo’s parks fences are found to separate uses that can be integrated which prevents visual continuity and connectivity between uses.
The fragmentation of even adjacent parks led to having a larger number of parks that are often confined in areas and crowded with activities. For example, at al-Zamalek Island, despite the close proximity of its parks, they are managed individually, and each requires a separate entrance ticket (Fig. 14). Al-Tyfl and 6th of October Parks contain libraries that are surrounded inside the parks by their own fences. Libraries and other public uses, like metro stations, are found also next to some DG but without any connectivity to the parks. Rod al-Farrag Park is separated from the Culture Centre of Rod al-Farrag which is a remarkable building that used to be a part of the old market that the park replaced. Al-Manyal Park is next to Mohammed Aly Palace and gardens, and they are separated by high walls. Similarly, al-Qasr Park is separated from a nearby building that could be renovated and integrated with the park use (Fig. 15).
Moreover, the areas of the parks, if Swanwick et al.’s [26] classification is followed, do not also capture the actual use of the parks, their scale of effect or catchment. DG and SG often have small parks that are better suited to be a public square or a residential green space. Other parks have wider catchments beyond their area category. These parks attract users from outside the districts either because of a distinctive feature or location, for example, the Aquarium Grotto, um-Kulthum and al-Fonon. Accordingly, a better classification is required that would include all public parks in Cairo.
Finally, dealing with existing data requires close examination in order not to be misled by their interpretation. Kafafy [20] argues that official estimations for green spaces’ areas and individual share can be misleading and are not completely reflected in direct benefits to people living in Cairo. Areas that are calculated in these reports include areas inaccessible to the public, undeveloped green spaces, in addition to services and parking areas attached to green spaces [20].
For example, in 2008, Cairo governorate [9] published a report, in collaboration with CCBA, about green spaces in Cairo. The report included an estimation of 1.82 m2/individual for the year 2007. It also claimed that the individual share in 1997 was 1.2 m2. However, these numbers are not accurately representing the existing green spaces in Cairo. The individual share the report mentioned for 1997 is similar to the original individual share in 2000 mentioned by al-Zafarany [4] indicating that it included youth centres and sports clubs. If compared with the individual share in 2006, it is unlikely that it increased from 1.18 to 1.82 m2 in one year. Also, Shaban [24] showed that the individual Cairenes’ share of green spaces was 1.5 m2 in 2006. This value is divided between parks and green spaces, 0.6Footnote 10 m2/individual, and public clubs and youth centres 0.8 m2/individual. This shows how adding areas of youth centres and sports clubs changes the data significantly.
Examining the boundaries any data represent is important as it could provide misinformation as well. The changes in the administrative boundaries of Cairo’s districts shift the individual share of green spaces significantly and disparities happen between two adjacent areas that were considered formally as one district. For example, al-Maadi has one of the highest individual shares of green spaces in Cairo while Tora is amongst the lowest. In the early 2000s, they used to be one district. If their share is to be calculated together for the year 2020, al-Maadi and Tora will have 1.53 m2/individual, while each of them separately has an individual share of 5.27 and 0.09 respectively. Similarly, in Gharb al-Qahira that has the highest individual share in 2020 (10.04 m2), its individual share would drop to 3.66 m2 if calculated with Boulaq that has 0.28 m2/individual.
